InsideMENA - The EU’s Response to the Sudan-Chad Refugee Crisis

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Hello ESTers, how have you been?

This is the Observatory, and here is InsideMENA, the EST’s bimonthly newsletter that uncovers the latest news from the Middle East and North Africa touching upon the EU’s interests and beyond, as well as a light dose of culture pills you can find at the end.

This week kicked off the start of Ramadan, the holy month when Muslims fast from dawn to sunset – also without water! From the Observatory, we wish a blessed Ramadan to all those who celebrate and hope that it will bring relief and peace to people living under extreme conditions.

رمضان مبارك، كل عام و أنتم بخير!

To those who don't, we hope our newsletter can bring you closer to the MENA region during these extraordinary times.

And now, without further ado, let’s dive right InsideMENA!

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Edited by Hafssa Fakher Elabiari and Sibilla Gosso

Note that the information, views and opinions set out in the newsletter are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinion or position of the editors, of the European Student ThinkTank, and of their affiliated-entities or institutions.

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The EU’s Response to the Sudan-Chad Refugee Crisis

By EST Contributor

A growing humanitarian disaster. The ongoing war in Sudan has forced millions to flee, with almost one million people crossing into Chad as of January 2025.This massive influx has put immense pressure on Chad’s already overstretched humanitarian resources, compromising the dignity of refugees.

The EU has been actively providing humanitarian aid, focusing on food assistance, healthcare, and protection for the most vulnerable. However, the scale of the displacement continues to outpace the available resources, raising concerns about Chad’s capacity to cope with the influx.

Regional instability and EU concerns. Divided by internal political tension, Chad struggles to manage the growing humanitarian burden while resisting calls for democratic reforms. The country’s military government has been accused of suppressing political opposition, restricting freedoms, and using force against protesters. For Brussels and Chad’s neighbours, this is not good news.

The EU continues to engage with Chadian authorities on democratisation and security cooperation while remaining cautious. Discussions have focused on counterterrorism efforts along Chad’s border with Libya and on ensuring the flow of humanitarian assistance. However, concerns persist over the EU’s long-term strategy, balancing aid, political pressure, and security interests in a hard-to-predict region. Whether Brussels will take stronger measures to push for democratic reforms while maintaining its humanitarian commitments remains to be seen.

Israel’s Intensifying Violence in the Occupied West Bank

By Hannah

For the first time since 2002, Israeli tanks have entered the Occupied West Bank. This represents the longest and most intense Israeli campaign in the territory since the Second Intifada of the 2000s. While the Israeli government justifies this action as an effort to “thwart terrorism ,” Palestinians believe this is merely a means to strengthen Israeli control of the Occupied territory.

Towards Gazification. The operation has so far had devastating consequences, with over 50 Palestinians murdered, homes and key infrastructure destroyed. Jenin, Nur Shams and Tulkarem refugee camps have been described by the UN as ‘near-uninhabitable’. Additionally, around 40,000 Palestinians have been displaced, the largest forced displacement in the West Bank since 1967. Worryingly, there is no near end in sight as Defence Minister Katz stated that the operation will continue for a year and that those displaced will be prevented from returning. Oxfam has warned of a possible ‘Gazafication’ but who is listening?

An escalation of violence. It is essential to understand this operation in the context of intensifying repression and persecution of the territory over decades. Israel has continuously built illegal settlements on Palestinian land, demolished Palestinian homes, restricted movement, permitted settler violence, and systematically denied the human rights of Palestinians. Yet, since October 7th, this repression has reached record levels, with Israel murdering over 800 Palestinians and holding a record number in administrative detention without trial or charge. Human Rights Watch has characterised this as part of Israel’s ongoing crimes of apartheid and persecution.

Morocco’s claim to Western Sahara Angers Algeria

By Alicia

Strategic alliances consolidate. In February, the French Culture Minister and the Senate President paid separate visits to the Western Sahara, reaffirming their country’s support for Morocco’s sovereignty over the territory. France joined the club supporting Morocco’s 2007 autonomy plan and Rabat cannot be happier. After Trump’s recognition of the ‘Moroccanity’ of the Western Sahara in exchange for Morocco’s normalisation of ties with Israel, Spain followed suit in 2022 when it declared that the Moroccan initiative was the “most serious, realistic, and credible basis for the resolution of the dispute.”

Algiers is not happy. In response to their rapprochement with Morocco, Algeria – known for its commitment to Western Sahara self determination – changed the tone with [1] Madrid and Paris.The recent French officials’ visit to the disputed region raised strong condemnation from Algeria, leading its Parliament to suspend ties with the French Senate. And while Morocco keeps welcoming certain politicians in the disputed region, it prevents the disembarkation of others, including EU Parliamentarians who seek to critically observe the situation on the ground. [2]

A forgotten conflict. Spain’s withdrawal from Western Sahara in 1975 without a proper decolonisation, paved the way for Morocco’s annexation of the territory. The 16-year-long conflict between Morocco and the Sahrawi Polisario Front ended with a UN-brokered ceasefire, which promised a referendum for self-determination. Until today, the referendum never saw the day. Rabat has consolidated control over around 80% of the region, while the rest is under Polisario control. The Polisario Front's headquarters remain in the refugee camps in Algeria, home to around 173,000 Sahrawi refugees. Morocco pretends everything is okay, but the reality is far more complex.

Türkiye and the PKK Thaw the Tension

By Hafssa

A historic juncture. On February 27th, jailed PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan asked his militants to lay down arms and disband, sparking hope on the beginning of the end of a 40-year-old armed struggle that killed 40,000 people. The announcement, well received in Ankara, is the result of negotiations initiated by the far-right nationalist MHP party, known for its fierce opposition to Kurdish demands (wait… what?). Since 2015, following the collapse of a ceasefire, Türkiye has waged a multi-front ‘decapitation’ strategy to annihilate the PKK/YPG. While Ankara’s military campaign had a heavy toll on civilians, it certainly debilitated the Kurdish militias, hindering their ability to sustain the armed struggle against Türkiye.

This time is different. No one would have expected a proposal granting parole to Öcalan, let alone one from a hardliner like MHP chairman Devlet Bahçeli. It is possible that Bahçeli positioned the opening as a state-led initiative bringing together all political factions, contrary to the 2013-15 peace process that had been led by Erdoğan. The president is also enthusiastic because a disbanded PKK could help him consolidate power for a few more years, even beyond the end of his term in 2028. Plus, Türkiye cannot sustain its costly military campaign against the PKK, especially amid growing regional tensions and the unpredictability of Washington’s relations vis-à-vis Kurdish groups in Syria.

Things are not going well with Tehran. Turkish and Iranian officials have been engaged in what could be labelled a war of words. Turkish FM Hakan Fidan criticised Iran’s reliance on militias, warning Tehran of the repercussions of its potential support for the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). So far, the climate is tense and any progress in the Kurdish question would further wane Iranian influence in Syria and Iraq.

Now, a bit of culture…

In this section, we uncover some of the most listened and watched musicians, writers or YouTubers of the MENA or new publications, articles or books either from or on the region. If you have any suggestions, you’re always welcome to tell us via our email!

Embracing complexity. Why is the Middle East complicated? Why is violence in the Middle East simplified? What does the New Middle East entail? To what extent is this expression valid? In Battleground: Ten Conflicts that Explain the New Middle East, Christopher Phillips challenges the simplistic narratives that limit violence in the region to dynamics like sectarianism, oil or imperialism. He offers a holistic picture of Middle Eastern developments by looking at the dynamics that make the expression “New Middle East” somewhat valid. Philipps explores ten conflicts, including the Kurdish struggle, which helps the reader understand one of the most complex conflicts of the 21st century. If you are looking for a book covering the region’s most pressing conflicts, Battleground is the right choice!

Let the MENA Speak

Why is North African Arabic so different from Levantine or Khaleeji Arabic? Is it really different? Aside from the fact that Maghrebi dialects incorporate French and Spanish words, their complexity lies mainly in merging classical Arabic and Amazigh languages (yes, there are many). And Arabic was only introduced when the Islamic conquest of North Africa began around the 7th century. This is why a Tunisian can easily understand an Egyptian or a Kuwaiti, but not necessarily the other way around.

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