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Hello ESTers, how have you been?



This is the Observatory, and here is InsideMENA, the EST’s bimonthly newsletter that uncovers the latest news from the Middle East and North Africa touching upon the EU’s interests and beyond, as well as a light dose of culture pills you can find at the end.



And now, without further ado, let’s dive right InsideMENA!



PS: If you are reading this on the website, don’t forget to subscribe to InsideMENA to directly receive it in your email every fortnight!



Edited by Blanca González Martínez and Hafssa Fakher Elabiari





Note that the information, views and opinions set out in the newsletter are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinion or position of the editors, of the European Student ThinkTank, and of their affiliated-entities or institutions.



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Niger Ousts French NGO: Little Piece of a Puzzle We Already Know

By Laura

The good old days are over. In a new move aiming to curb French presence in Niger, the military regime currently in power has withdrawn the operating permit of Agence française d'Aide à la Coopération et au Développement (Acted), a French non-governmental organisation (NGO), and Action Pour le Bien-Être (APBE), a Nigerien NGO. While the official reasons remain unclear, it emerges quite clearly the aim of limiting foreign intervention, in particular when it comes to France!



Adieu, France! The era of France as Africa’s ‘gendarme’ seems to be finally be over. Following the coup, Paris withdrew its troops deployed to help fight terrorism in the Sahel, and closed its embassy. Almost a year after Paris' decision to leave Niger – well, we can argue whether it was actually a decision - its influence in the region looks very far from four years ago when France was by far the most influential actor in the Sahel.

Tunisia’s Speech Crackdown is Getting Out of Hand

By Hafssa

A police state? Tunisia’s crackdown on free speech is getting serious. After securing a second term, Tunisian President Kais Saied and his loyalists are now hunting down political opponents, civil society activists, and recently... social media ‘influencers’ for attacking public morals and compromising decency. Indeed, the Tunisian penal code - Article 226 – upholds that, but the concept of ‘public morals’ is subjective. For example, can drawing a caricature of the government be an attack on public morals? Probably yes.



No one is safe. Recently, former Health Minister and presidential candidate Abdellatif Mekki was hospitalised due to an acid attack by a neighbour. Regardless of the motives behind the attack, it shows that the safety of political opponents remains compromised. It’s either prison, intimidation, or acid.



No one is exempt. Tunisian authorities also monitor advocates of migrant rights. This is the case of Abdallah Said, the founder of Enfants de la Lune, who has been arrested and questioned by anti-terrorism investigators for allegedly receiving foreign funds. Interestingly, Saied had called associations that help alleviate the dire situation of migrants "traitors and mercenaries." A bit ironic since Tunisia, a top departure country, receives funds from the EU to keep migrant boats away.





What Lies Ahead for Saudi-Iran Rapprochement
By Fatin

Recently, a rare high-level meeting took place in Tehran, where the Chief of Staff of the Saudi Armed Forces—General Fayyad al-Ruwaili— met with his Iranian counterpart—General Mohammad Bagheri—at the Iranian Armed Forces General Staff Head Quarters. The discussions focused on enhancing bilateral cooperation and advancing defence diplomacy with the aim of strengthening security cooperation between the two nations.



Saudi-Iran Relations. This meeting is part of a broader rapprochement strategy initiated by the China-brokered deal in 2023. Following years of hostility and tensions, Iran and Saudi Arabia reopened diplomatic ties and embarked on a normalisation process, marking a drastic shift in their regional dynamics. However, while relations between Riyadh and Tehran have progressed over the past year, challenges remain. Persistent regional distrust and the history of Saudi Arabia's strategic ties with the US, hinder the path to this renewed cooperation. As if that weren't enough, Washington’s efforts to normalise Israel-Arab relations add another layer of complexity.



Anyone got a crystal ball? Looking ahead, the future of Saudi-Iranian relations could face significant obstacles. The ongoing Israeli invasion in Gaza and Lebanon, coupled with the potential maximum pressure policy approach on Iran under a renewed Trump administration, may undermine this fragile detente and further destabilise the region.





Qatar Steps Back from Gaza Negotiations as the Gulf Braces for Trump 2.0

By Michele

News of Qatar reportedly demanding Hamas’ leadership to leave Doha, which has been the organization’s safe haven since 2012, have rapidly spread over the past weeks. Although this is still unconfirmed, it put Qatar’s shifting stance towards Hamas in the spotlight, pushing the Qatari Foreign Ministry to announce that Doha will stop mediating the Israel-Hamas ceasefire negotiations, but denying the allegations of expelling the organization. However, most recently, Qatar’s government confirmed that Hamas officials have left the country and the office in Doha is temporarily closed.



The official reason for this decision is the unwillingness to negotiate, which has surely been frustrating to Qatari mediators. However, Washington has been pressuring Qatar to stop hosting the terrorist group’s leadership and supporting its activities for a long time, and due to the timing of Doha’s decision, it’s safe to assume that the underlying reason for distancing from Hamas is appeasing the upcoming and unpredictable Trump administration. Indeed, Donald Trump privately met with Qatar’s Emir and prime minister in late September and has been vocal about wanting to take negotiations into his own hands once he is inaugurated.



Regardless of whether Qatar will renew its willingness to mediate for a ceasefire, and whether Hamas will have to permanently relocate from Doha, there is a bigger issue to be acknowledged: Gulf leaders preparing for a new Trump administration, concurrently enticed by the economic opportunities it might bring, and concerned by the risk of escalation with Iran and trade wars with China. The Gulf’s strategic hedging might become closer to ropewalking, as they prepare for the Trump wildcard to reshuffle the deck of regional geopolitics.





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